This article from the National Review points out the
determination with which prohibitionists will pursue their agenda, even when the
public doesn't want it. Last year's "Rave Act" got so much opposition that it
was dropped but now it turns up again , hidden in Sen. Tom Daschle's
anti-terrorism bill, the "Justice Enhancement and Domestic Security
Act of 2003". Just what a local music concert has to do with the federal
government I don't know, but the Feds seem to think they have authority over
such events. Perhaps the lack of suits brought by states over the Fed's
outrageous medical marijuana escapades recently have given them confidence to
interfere with local music shows as well?
When John Ashcroft was nominated for attorney general,
his political enemies spent a lot of time mocking him for belonging to a
denomination that does not allow its members to engage in dancing. Since
taking office, Mr. Ashcroft has done absolutely nothing to infringe upon the
rights of people who like to dance. Tom Daschle, however, is now pushing
legislation that could send dance promoters to federal prison for up to 20
years. Daschle's anti-dancing legislation is a mean-spirited assault on youth
culture, and an extreme violation of principles of federalism.
Last
year, there was a big push in Congress to enact the so-called "RAVE Act,"
sponsored by Rep. Lamar Smith (D., Tex.) as H.R. 5519 and in the Senate by
Joseph Biden (D., Del.). Both lead sponsors were very forthright; the very
title of the bill announced its intention to go after "raves" - dance parties
popular with Generations X and Y.
But the "RAVE Act" aroused enormous
opposition, so much so that the Senate Judiciary chairman withdrew his
co-sponsorship of the bill.
This year, the same act is back; but this
time it's concealed deep within an immense, omnibus bill sponsored by Tom
Daschle - the so- called "Justice Enhancement and Domestic Security Act of
2003" (S. 22). That Act includes some antiterrorist measures which are
important and which ought to be debated in separate bills (for instance,
authorizing military tribunals for al Qaeda warriors).
But S. 22 is
also larded with numerous anti-civil-liberties proposals, including
ballistics testing for all new firearms, and anti-gun-show language making
gun shows presumptively illegal except when authorized by the Bureau of
Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms. Daschle's S. 22 is the contemporary version of
the 1994 Clinton crime bill, a bloviated monster that was far too large for
either Congress or citizens to be able to understand its contents.
And
the "RAVE Act" reappears too - only this time, the word "RAVE" never appears
in a title. Rather, the "RAVE Act" language is found in sections 5131-36,
under the misleading title "Crack House Statute Amendments."
The Daschle
bill extends the federal "crackhouse law" - which makes it illegal to
maintain a building for purposes of drug consumption - to cover musical
performances and other events of a temporary nature, and to make liable even
those who make their premises available at no charge. The idea is to make the
promoters of musical events liable for drug consumption at those events -
even when the consumption is entirely incidental, and has nothing to do with
any action by the promoters. The legislation is, in effect, an admission of
failure by the Drug Enforcement Agency: Unable to control drug use, it's
looking to force concert promoters and theaters to do it, on pain of
imprisonment.
As amended by Daschle, the "crackhouse law" would make it a
20-year federal felony to "manage or control any place, whether permanently
or temporarily, either as an owner, lessee, agent, employee, occupant, or
mortgagee, and knowingly and intentionally rent, lease, profit from, or make
available for use, with or without compensation, the place for the purpose of
unlawfully manufacturing, storing, distributing, or using a controlled
substance."
This language is broad enough to encompass not only rave
promoters and disc jockeys, but also bar owners, hotel or motel owners,
concert promoters, tour bus or cruise ship operators - and even home owners.
Literally read, the statute would even apply to a homeowner whose teenagers
occasionally smoked marijuana on the property.
The existing track
record of the "crackhouse law" offers no reason to be confident that
overzealous prosecutors will not push the law to the extreme limits of its
language. As we detailed in a previous column, the then-U.S. attorney of New
Orleans brought felony "crackhouse" charges against the owners of the
historic State Palace Theater. Jordan argued that the sale on the premises of
"drug paraphernalia," such as glowsticks and even bottled water, was somehow
evidence that the owners were colluding in drug consumption at dance
parties.
But in truth, those who use drugs, or sell drugs, at raves and
concerts are responsible for their own actions, and it makes no more sense to
blame the concert promoter, or the owner of the hall, for their activities
than it does to blame the owner of a hotel in whose convention center
illegal campaign donations are made for campaign fraud. Nor does it make
sense to blame cruise-ship operators or homeowners.
The word "rave"
appears nowhere in the criminal language, but shows up only in section 5136
(still under the "crackhouse" title), which authorizes the Drug Enforcement
Administration to be appropriated more tax dollars "to educate youth,
parents, and other interested adults about the drugs associated with
raves."
Most of the Daschle bill - including his misnamed "crackhouse"
amendments, as well as the current crackhouse law - is a gross abrogation of
federalism. If people operate facilities that lure drug users in
disproportionate numbers, the traditional remedy is a public nuisance action,
brought by the local district attorney in state court.
The crackhouse
law and the Daschle extension replace that remedy - which has been considered
adequate for well over a century - with an extremely harsh federal criminal
statute. This isn't because local authorities have been complaining that the
problem has interstate dimensions that elude them. Indeed, drug use - at a
concert, or in a bar, or in a home - is by its nature a very local activity.
This isn't a statute about interstate drug sales, but about local drug use or
possession.
Frustrated by the failure to reduce Ecstasy use, federal
bureaucrats and their congressional allies are now looking to attack
easy-to-find public targets. Some have even admitted that their real target
isn't drugs per se, but rather the "rave culture" - even though some earlier
efforts at prosecuting rave promoters have been enjoined http://www.emdef.org/cases/nola_StatePalace/nola_plea_injunction.pdf
on First Amendment grounds.
This legislation is the latest stage of
mission creep for federal law enforcement, aided and abetted by members of
Congress who should know better. As the Musician's Guide to Drug Policy
Reform observes, empire-building federal bureaucrats have been whipping up
culture-war hysteria against musicians ever since Henry Alsinger[sic] blamed
"swing" music (and its practitioners, such as Glenn Miller) for marijuana
use.
Under a federal system, it is supposed to be state and local
governments, and not the federal government, that deal with matters of local
law enforcement. There's nothing in the Constitution authorizing the
federal government to waste taxpayer money "educating" the public about the
dangers of swing music, rave music, or any other form of music.
We are
continually reminded, as a justification for restrictions on civil liberties,
that we are at war. But, precisely because we are at war, we cannot afford to
have the Justice Department and federal law- enforcement authorities wasting
their time on the kind of trivia represented by much of S. 22, including the
misnamed "crackhouse" provision. The Constitution gives Congress and the
federal government the duty to provide for the national defense; to allow
them to exercise never-granted powers over local crimes and music styles is
to undermine that essential focus on national defense.
- Dave Kopel
is an NRO contributing editor and research director at the Independence
Institute. Glenn Reynolds, otherwise known as Instapundit, is a law professor
at the University of Tennessee.
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