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Drug Courts and Treatment as an Alternative to Incarceration
In recent years Drug Courts have become a popular, widely praised and rapidly
expanding alternative approach of specialized courts that deal with drug
offenders and sometimes with people charged with nonviolent crimes who are drug
users. Drug Courts substitute mandatory treatment for incarceration. Because
drug courts are new, much of the research on their effectiveness is recent,
incomplete and inconclusive. Although Drug Courts have been much applauded, some
concerns about their fairness and effectiveness have been expressed. These
include:
Providing coerced treatment at a time when the needs for voluntary
treatment are not being met creates the strange circumstance of someone
needing to get arrested to get treatment.
People who are forced into treatment may not actually need it. They may
just be people who use drugs in a non-problematic way who happened to get
arrested. Arrest may not be the best way to determine who should get
treatment services.
Drug Courts are a much less expensive way of handling drug cases in the
criminal justice system, thus they may result in more people being arrested
and processed, many of whom would not have been arrested or would have been
diverted. Thus, drug courts may be expanding the number of people hurt by
the drug war.
Drug Courts are creating a separate system of justice for drug offenders,
a system that does not rely on the key traditions of an adversary system of
justice and due process, a system where the defense, prosecution and judge
work as a team to force the offender into a treatment program.
Drug Courts only rely on abstinence-based treatment. For example,
methadone is not available to heroin addicts. In addition, they rely heavily
on urine testing rather than focusing on whether the person is succeeding in
employment, education or family relationships.
Drug courts also often mandate twelve step treatment programs which some
believe to be an infringement on religious freedom.
Drug Courts invade the confidentiality of patient and health-care
provider. The health-care provider's client is really the court, prosecutor
and probation officer, rather than the person who is getting drug treatment.
1. According to the nonprofit thinktank the RAND Corporation,
"Subsidized by $33 million in funds disbursed pursuant to the 1994
federal crime act, over 700 drug courts are now in operation by local
jurisdictions across the country."
Source: Drug Policy Research Center, "What MakesDrug Courts
Succeed or Fail?", DPRC Newsletter (Santa Monica,CA: RAND Corporation,
June 2000), p. 4.
2. "The last decade has seen the rapid growth of specialized court
forums in the states. The first drug court was created in Dade County,
Florida in 1989; all but ten states followed that example within the next
decade."
Source: Rottman, David, et al., Bureau of Justice Statistics,
State Court Organization, 1998 (Washington, DC: US Department of Justice,
June 2000), p. 207.
3. Drug courts offer court-supervised treatment as an alternative to
incarceration for low-level drug offenders. Most target first-time drug
offenders, while others target habitual offenders.
Source: Marc Pearce, National Center for State Courts Information
Service, "Drug Courts: A Criminal Justice Revolution", Report on
Trends in the State Courts 1998-1999 Final Report (Williamsburg, VA:
National Center for State Courts, 1999), pp. 8-12.
4. In 1996, there were a total of 9,794,149 arrests reported to the FBI,
and 7,600,241 arrestees. Of these, 66.6% -- 5.01 million people -- were drug
users. Also in 1996, there were a total of 2,166,630 drug arrests, and
1,678,174 arrestees. Of these, 82% -- 1,379,624 offenders -- were estimated
to be drug users.
Source: Anglin, M. Douglas, et al., National Evaluation Data and
Technical Assistance Center, Drug Use Prevalence Estimates among Adult
Arrestees in California, Texas, and the US: Final Report (Los Angeles, CA:
UCLA Drug Abuse Research Center, June 28, 1999), pp. 39-43.
5. In an article published in the University of North Carolina Law Review
in June 2000, Colorado Judge Morris B. Hoffman wrote, "Although many
studies and many kinds of studies have examined drug courts, none has
demonstrated with any degree of reliability that drug courts work."
Source: District Judge Morris B. Hoffman, Second Judicial District
(Denver), State of Colorado, "The Drug Court Scandal", North
Carolina Law Review (Chapel Hill, NC: North Carolina Law Review Association,
June 2000), Vol. 78, No. 5, p. 1480.
6.
|
Recidivism Rates Compared |
|
City |
Traditional Court |
Drug Court |
|
Denver, CO |
58.0% |
53.0% |
|
Multnomah County, OR
(Portland) |
1.53a |
0.59a |
|
Oakland, CA |
1.33a |
0.75a |
|
Riverside, CA |
33.0% |
13.4% |
|
Travis County, TX
(Austin) |
41.0% |
38.0% |
|
Wilmington, DE |
51.1% |
33.3% |
7. "aExpressed not as a percentage, but rather as the
average number of arrests suffered during the follow-up period."
Source: Belenko, Steven & Dumanovsky, Tamara, Bureau of
Justice Assistance, US Department of Justice, "Special Drug Courts:
Program Brief 2", (Washington, DC: US Department of Justice, 1993), and
Granfield, Robert & Eby, Cindy, "An Evaluation of the Denver Drug
Court: The Impact of a Treatment-Oriented Drug Offender System 10"
(1997), as cited by District Judge Morris B. Hoffman, Second Judicial
District (Denver), State of Colorado, "The Drug Court Scandal",
North Carolina Law Review (Chapel Hill, NC: North Carolina Law Review
Association, June 2000), Vol. 78, No. 5, p. 1496.
8. The State of Arizona's Drug Treatment and Education Fund "was
established in January of 1997 to expand services for drug offenders and to
utilize probation for non-violent drug offenders." According to a
report on the first year of operation, a total of 2622 offenders were served
by the program. Of that number, 932 completed their programs, of which
number only 61.1% -- 568 offenders -- completed successfully.
Source: Arizona Supreme Court, Adult Services Division,
Administrative Office of the Courts, State of Arizona, Drug Treatment and
Education Fund Legislative Report Fiscal Year 1997-1998 (Arizona: Arizona
Supreme Court, March 1999), p. 9.
9. A study of Arizona's Drug Treatment and Education Fund estimates that
the program saved more than $2.5 million statewide in fiscal year 1998.
Source: Arizona Supreme Court, Adult Services Division,
Administrative Office of the Courts, Arizona, Drug Treatment and Education
Fund Legislative Report Fiscal Year 1997-1998 (Arizona: Arizona Supreme
Court, March 1999), p. 7.
10. The state's study of Arizona's diversion program, offering treatment
in place of incarceration, contains this important caveat: "Not enough
time has elapsed since program inception for the collection of data to
accurately reflect recidivism rates."
Source: Arizona Supreme Court, Adult Services Division,
Administrative Office of the Courts, State of Arizona Arizona, Drug
Treatment and Education Fund Legislative Report Fiscal Year 1997-1998
(Arizona: Arizona Supreme Court, March 1999), p. 6.
11. "Even offenders who do not succeed in drug court appear to be
less criminally active than they were previously. This may be due to the
benefits of treatment or the supervision, sanctions, intensive surveillance,
and specific deterrence of the drug court."
Source: Gebelein, Richard S., National Institute of Justice,
"The Rebirth of Rehabilitation: Promise and Perils of Drug Courts"
(Washington, DC: US Department of Justice, May 2000), p. 5.
12. "To facilitate an individual's progress in treatment, the
prosecutor and defense counsel must shed their traditional adversarial
courtroom relationship and work together as a team. Once a defendant is
accepted into the drug court program, the team's focus is on the
participant's recovery and law-abiding behavior -- not on the merits of the
pending case."
Source: National Association of Drug Court Professionals Drug
Court Standards Committee, "Defining Drug Courts: The Key
Components" (Washington, DC: US Department of Justice), January 1997,
on the web at http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/dcpo/Define/key2.htm,
last accessed August 9, 2000.
13. Treatment options must be carefully considered by the courts. Various
Federal court rulings have determined that offering only AA and NA programs,
because of their religious basis, violates the establishment clause of the
US Constitution. Ruling in the case of Kerr v. Farrey in the 7th Circuit
Federal Court of Appeals, Judge Diane P. Wood wrote, "We find, to the
contrary, that the state has impermissibly coerced inmates to participate in
a religious program." Judge Wood further notes that "the Court of
Appeals of New York has recently come to the same conclusion we reach today
in Matter of David Griffin v. Coughlin," and that "Our conclusion
is thus in harmony with that of other courts that have considered similar
questions."
Source: Ruling in the United States Court of Appeals for the
Seventh Circuit No. 95-1843 James W. Kerr, Plaintiff-Appellant, v. Catherine
J. Farrey and Lloyd Lind, Defendants-Appellees, Judge Diane P. Wood, Decided
August 27, 1996, from the web at http://www.kentlaw.edu/7circuit/1996/aug/95-1843.html,
last accessed August 9, 2000.
14. It is possible that managed care will become a barrier to the success
of drug courts and treatment as alternative to incarceration. The National
Institute of Justice notes, "The premise of managed care, increasingly
the norm, is that the least treatment required should be provided. This is
at odds with research on substance abuse treatment, which has shown that the
longer a person remains in treatment, the more successful treatment will be.
Furthermore, managed care assumes the patient will aggressively pursue the
treatment he or she deems necessary. Because most drug court clients
initially prefer not to be treated, they are likely to welcome a ruling by
the health care provider or the managed care insurer that treatment is not
needed. Finally, drug court clients frequently encounter delays in obtaining
treatment funding or must cobble together bits and pieces of various
programs because the "exhaustion" rules of health care plans limit
treatment."
Source: Gebelein, Richard S., National Institute of Justice,
"The Rebirth of Rehabilitation: Promise and Perils of Drug Courts"
(Washington, DC: US Department of Justice, May 2000), p. 6.
15. "An individual who has an out-of-control addiction commits about
63 crimes a year. Assuming this could be reduced to 10 for someone who is in
or has completed treatment, and multiplying it by the 200 offenders in
Delaware's probation revocation track who comply with all requirements, a
single drug court may prevent more than 10,000 crimes each year."
Source: Gebelein, Richard S., National Institute of Justice,
"The Rebirth of Rehabilitation: Promise and Perils of Drug Courts"
(Washington, DC: US Department of Justice, May 2000), p. 5.
16. In a recent law review article, Colorado Judge Morris B. Hoffman
writes, "Reductions in recidivism are so small that if they exist at
all they are statistically meaningless. Net-widening is so large that, even
if drug courts truly were effective in reducing recidivism, more drug
defendants would continue to jam our prisons than ever before."
Source: District Judge Morris B. Hoffman, Second Judicial District
(Denver), State of Colorado, "The Drug Court Scandal", North
Carolina Law Review (Chapel Hill, NC: North Carolina Law Review Association,
June 2000), Vol. 78, No. 5, p. 1533-4.
17. "As the results of more sophisticated evaluations become
available, preliminary success rates will not be sustained. As less
tractable groups participate, rates of compliance and graduation will
decline and recidivism will rise."
Source: Gebelein, Richard S., National Institute of Justice,
"The Rebirth of Rehabilitation: Promise and Perils of Drug Courts"
(Washington, DC: US Department of Justice, May 2000), p. 5.
18. James L. Nolan Jr., an assistant professor of sociology at Williams
College, notes "Likewise, in a study conducted by W. Clinton Terry,
professor of criminal justice at Florida International University, no real
differences were found between the recidivism rates of those who completed
and those who dropped out of Broward County's Drug Court treatment program.
Only a 4 percent difference in the number of felony rearrests and a 1
percent difference in the number of misdemeanor rearrests were found between
the two groups."
Source: Nolan, James L., The Therapeutic State, (New York, NY: New
York University Press, 1998), p. 104.
19. James L. Nolan Jr. discusses the 1993 American Bar Association study
of drug courts in his book The Therapeutic State. The study found that among
offenders who were sent to the Drug Court, 20% were rearrested for a drug
offense and 32% were rearrested for any felony offense within one year of
the sampled arrest. Among pre-Drug Court defendants, 23% were rearrested for
a narcotics offense and 33% for any felony offense within one year. He
further notes, "Again, they found little difference between the
samples. Drug offenders sent through the Drug Court were rearrested, on
average, 324 days after their first court appearance, whereas drug offenders
sentenced prior to the Drug Court were rearrested, on average, 319 days
after their first court appearance."
Source: Nolan, James L., The Therapeutic State, (New York, NY: New
York University Press, 1998), p. 105.
20. "In identifying target populations, drug courts need to be
sensitive to class and race bias. Unless care is taken, diversion courts may
tend disproportionately to work with white and middle-class substance
abusers."
Source: Gebelein, Richard S., National Institute of Justice,
"The Rebirth of Rehabilitation: Promise and Perils of Drug Courts"
(Washington, DC: US Department of Justice, May 2000), p. 5.
21. In the Arizona study of treatment as an alternative to incarceration,
the demographics of those referred to treatment differed from the racial
composition of the Arizona state corrections system.
|
Demographic Group |
Anglo |
African-American |
Hispanic |
Native American |
|
Received Diversion to Treatment |
59.9% |
9.2% |
24.6% |
4.6% |
|
General Prison Population |
45.7% |
14.6% |
33.7% |
4.6% |
Source: Arizona Supreme Court,
Administrative Office of the Courts, Adult Services Division, "Drug
Treatment and Education Fund Legislative Report, Fiscal Year
1997-1998", March 1999, p. 5; prison population stats from the Arizona
Department of Corrections on the web at http://www.adc.state.az.us:81/Who.htm.
22. David Rottman of the National Center for State Courts noted in an
article for the American Judges Association's Court Review,
"Specialized forums like drug or domestic violence courts require a
judicial temperament in interacting directly with litigants and an openness
to insights from fields like mental health.
"It is unclear that legal training is the best preparation for judging
in specialized contexts."
Source: Rottman, David B., "Does Effective Therapeutic
Jurisprudence Require Specialized Courts (and do Specialized Courts Require
Specialist Judges?)", Court Review (Williamsburg, VA: American Judges
Association, Spring 2000), pp. 25-26.
23. "When a drug court judge steps down, it is not always possible
to find a sufficiently motivated replacement. Without a highly motivated
judge, the drug court approach simply does not work."
Source: Gebelein, Richard S., National Institute of Justice,
"The Rebirth of Rehabilitation: Promise and Perils of Drug Courts"
(Washington, DC: US Department of Justice, May 2000), p. 6.
24. In a recent law review article, Colorado Judge Morris B. Hoffman
writes, "By existing simply to appease two so diametric and
irreconcilable sets of principles, drug courts are fundamentally
unprincipled. By simultaneously treating drug use as a crime and as a
disease, without coming to grips with the inherent contradictions of those
two approaches, drug courts are not satisfying either the legitimate and
compassionate interests of the treatment community or the legitimate and
rational interests of the law enforcement community. They are, instead,
simply enabling our continued national schizophrenia about drugs."
Source: District Judge Morris B. Hoffman, Second Judicial District
(Denver), State of Colorado, "The Drug Court Scandal", North
Carolina Law Review (Chapel Hill, NC: North Carolina Law Review Association,
June 2000), Vol. 78, No. 5, p. 1477.
Thanks to Common Sense for Drug Policy- www.csdp.org
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